May "The Weekly Standard" burn in hell.Submitted by pawnstorm12 on Fri, 02/03/2012 - 07:42
This is an excerpt from a story posted on the front page of the DailyPaul today titled "Ron Paul and His Enemies: American Conservative Magazine Cover Story"
Below are some specific passages from the rotted, NEO-CON, ANTI-AMERICAN, WAR-MONGERING publication "The Weekly Standard."
Two of the main contributors are head Neo-Cons BILL KRISTOL and FRED BARNES.
"With Paul rising in the polls, the Weekly Standard essentially republished Kirchik’s 2008 piece (on the "Newsletters."
I’ve seen no serious challenge to the reporting done four years ago by David Weigel and Julian Sanchez for Reason: the newsletters were the project of the late Murray Rothbard and Paul’s longtime aide Lew Rockwell, who has denied authorship. Rothbard, who died in 1995, was a brilliant libertarian author and activist, William F. Buckley’s tutor for the economics passages of Up From Liberalism, and a man who pursued a lifelong mission to spread libertarian ideas beyond a quirky quadrant of the intelligentsia. He had led libertarian overtures to the New Left in the 1960s. In 1990, he argued for outreach to the redneck right, and the Ron Paul newsletters became the chosen vehicle. For his part, Rockwell has moved on from this kind of thing.
Intellectual honesty requires acknowledging that much of the racism in the newsletters would have appeared less over the top in mainstream conservative circles at the time than it does now. No one at the New York Post editorial page (where I worked) would have been offended by the newsletters’ use of welfare stereotypes to mock the Los Angeles rioters, or by their taking note that a gang of black teenagers were sticking white women with needles or pins in the streets of Manhattan. (Contrary to the fears of the time, the pins used in these assaults were not HIV-infected.) But racial tensions and fissures in the early 1990s were far more raw than today. The Rockwell-Rothbard team were, in effect, trying to play Lee Atwater for the libertarians. A generation later, their efforts look pretty ugly.
The resurfacing of the newsletter story in December froze Paul’s upward movement in the polls. For the critical week before the Iowa caucuses, no Ron Paul national TV interview was complete without newsletter questions, deemed more important than the candidate’s opposition to indefinite detention, the Fed, or a new war in Iran. On stage in the New Hampshire debate, Paul forcefully disavowed writing the newsletters or agreeing with their sentiments, as he had on dozens of prior occasions, and changed the subject to a spirited denunciation of the drug laws for their implicit racism. This of course did not explain the newsletters, but the response rang true on an emotional level, if only because no one who had observed Ron Paul in public life over the past 15 years could perceive him as any kind of racist.
If the Weekly Standard editors hoped the flap would stir an anti-Paul storm in the black community, they were sorely disappointed. In one telling Bloggingheads.tv dialogue, two important black intellectuals, Glenn Loury and John McWhorter, showed far more interest in Paul’s foreign-policy ideas, and the attempts to stamp them out, than they did in the old documents. Atlantic blogger Ta-Nehisi Coates likened Paul to Louis Farrakhan. He didn’t mean it as a compliment, but the portrait fell well short of total scorn. It was difficult to ignore that the main promoters of the newsletters story, The New Republic and the Weekly Standard, had historically devoted exponentially more energy to promoting neoconservative policies in the Middle East than they had to chastising politicians for racism.
Thus the newsletters could only serve as a kind of prelude; the main insults would be on the grounds of foreign policy. The Republican Jewish Coalition excluded Paul from its Dec. 7 debate because he was “so far outside the mainstream of the Republican Party.” Paul made the Washington Post’s Richard Cohen (a liberal, except where the Mideast is concerned) think of Hitler’s conquest of Europe. Washington Post columnist Marc Thiessen called Paul’s positions not conservative, not libertarian, but “nutty.” Also at the Post, blogger Jennifer Rubin asked Iowa’s governor to make an “Anybody but Ron Paul” endorsement, and columnist Michael Gerson accused Paul of seeking to “erase 158 years of Republican Party history.”
The barrage continued across the neocon blogosphere.
Michael Medved labeled Paul “Dr. Demento” with “eccentric and detestable views.”
David Frum smeared Paul with a photo of David Duke, whom he depicted as representing Ron Paul’s “base.”
Gary Bauer, an evangelical accessory to Bill Kristol’s war-promoting Project for a New American Century efforts, cut a commercial for use in South Carolina attacking Paul as “hostile to our ally Israel” and “not a Reagan Republican.” (An interesting sidelight to Paul’s career is that he was one of a handful of Texas officials to endorse Ronald Reagan in 1976 and headed the Texas for Reagan delegation at the ’76 convention. When in the 1980s he faced a right-wing primary challenge for being insufficiently hawkish, Reagan taped a rousing Ron Paul endorsement.)
Yet the insults were never directed at the issues at the heart of Paul’s career: support for sound money, opposition to the Federal Reserve, objection to the growth of the federal government on constitutional grounds. This reflected a reasonable assessment of where Ron Paul might make the greatest difference. Whether or not eliminating the Federal Reserve is a good idea, it is considered far-fetched among economists left, right, and center and is unlikely to be on the national agenda very soon.
Foreign policy is a different matter. Paul’s skepticism about American military interventionism—the Iraq War, the Afghan War, the war Israel and the neocons are trying get America to fight with Iran—resonates far more among foreign-affairs specialists, the military, the intelligence community, and the Republican rank and file. Paul’s campaign has the potential to begin bringing that skepticism into the inner reaches of the GOP—where the interlocking web of big donors and neoconservative-run think tanks and media have managed to keep the doves, realists, and other skeptics at bay.