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The Marxist vs Capitalist False Dichotomy

A young "monetary reform" advocate here in the US recently lambasted the existing "capitalist" system in America for its greedy, profiteering ways. To me, this otherwise well-intentioned person suffers from an unfortunate trend towards historical confusion here in the States. He is confusing his "isms" and this can have deadly consequences for the monetary reform movement and our ability to think through our economic crisis.



If you want to be politically effective -- at least in America -- the anti-capitalism rhetoric does not cut it. It scares people, and rightly so.



If you want to be effective, differentiate between monopoly capitalism -- which is today in power -- and laissez faire capitalism -- which is NOT in power.



Marx and modern-day Marxists effectively blur the line between these two totally opposing methodologies. In fact, to me, there is little difference between Marxism and monopoly capitalism, which I prefer to call "plutocracy" because all communist revolutions are immediately overtaken by a ruling elite anyway. Marxists desperately need to disguise this fact -- blur this line -- lest the already paper-thin rationale for their very existence is totally destroyed.

The concept of a democratic republic where laissez faire capitalism is fostered and protected by a debt-free monetary system is the most fair system of governance and finance ever devised by humanity. It offers the smoothest transition up the power pyramid from the least powerful, to the most powerful by providing effective class mobility via an incentive-driven financial and political system.

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The Marxist vs Capitalist False Dichotomy

The false dichotomy is between laissez faire capitalism and monopoly capitalism. A nice little analogy to make is the board game 'Monopoly'. All players start of equal and play according to free market rules (ie. they all enter contracts together freely) and the 'invisible hand of the market' reward the players that make the smartest economic moves. The end result is the name of the game - monopoly.

Many people discuss Marx, usually on the basis of the Communist Manifesto, but not many bother to actually read his work - in particular his most relevant work - Capital. In Capital Marx critiquedd fiat currency, examined what money is is far greater detail than Von Mises. Moreover, if you read Capital you will realise the states that were called 'communist' were what Marx was opposed to (exploitation of workers, alienation from labour process, central bank, and state monopoly of finance, imperialism etc...).

Marx was well aware of the discrepancy between Capitalist ideology (free market laissez faire capitalism) and the reality (monopoly/corporate capitalism).
I leave my fellow libertarians a couple of passages from Capital to ponder:

"The system of public credit, i.e., of national debts, whose origin we discover in Genoa and Venice as early as the middle ages, took possession of Europe generally during the manufacturing period. The colonial system with its maritime trade and commercial wars served as a forcing-house for it. Thus it first took root in Holland. National debts, i.e., the alienation of the state-whether despotic, constitutional or republican-marked with its stamp the capitalistic era. The only part of the so-called national wealth that actually enters into the collective possessions of modern peoples is their national debt. [7] Hence, as a necessary consequence, the modern doctrine that a nation becomes the richer the more deeply it is in debt. Public credit becomes the credo of capital. And with the rise of national debt-making, want of faith in the national debt takes the place of the blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, which may not be forgiven."

"At their birth the great banks, decorated with national titles, were only associations of private speculators, who placed themselves by the side of governments, and, thanks to the privileges they received, were in a position to advance money to the State. Hence the accumulation of the national debt has no more infallible measure than the successive rise in the stock of these banks, whose full development dates from the founding of the Bank of England in 1694. The Bank of England began with lending its money to the Government at 8%; at the same time it was empowered by Parliament to coin money out of the same capital, by lending it again to the public in the form of banknotes. It was allowed to use these notes for discounting bills, making advances on commodities, and for buying the precious metals. It was not long ere this credit-money, made by the bank itself, became. the coin in which the Bank of England made its loans to the State, and paid, on account of the State, the interest on the public debt. It was not enough that the bank gave with one hand and took back more with the other; it remained, even whilst receiving, the eternal creditor of the nation down to the last shilling advanced. Gradually it became inevitably the receptacle of the metallic hoard of the country, and the centre of gravity of all commercial credit. What effect was produced on their contemporaries by the sudden uprising of this brood of bankocrats, financiers, rentiers, brokers, stock-jobbers, &c., is proved by the writings of that time, e.g., by Bolingbroke’s. [8]

With the national debt arose an international credit system, which often conceals one of the sources of primitive accumulation in this or that people. Thus the villainies of the Venetian thieving system formed one of the secret bases of the capital-wealth of Holland to whom Venice in her decadence lent large sums of money. So also was it with Holland and England. By the beginning of the 18th century the Dutch manufactures were far outstripped. Holland had ceased to be the nation preponderant in commerce and industry. One of its main lines of business, therefore, from 1701-1776, is the lending out of enormous amounts of capital, especially to its great rival England. The same thing is going on to-day between England and the United States. A great deal of capital, which appears to-day in the United States without any certificate of birth, was yesterday, in England, the capitalised blood of children.

As the national debt finds its support in the public revenue, which must cover the yearly payments for interest, &c., the modern system of taxation was the necessary complement of the system of national loans. The loans enable the government to meet extraordinary expenses, without the tax-payers feeling it immediately, but they necessitate, as. a consequence, increased taxes. On the other hand, the raising of taxation caused by the accumulation of debts contracted one after another, compels the government always to have recourse to new loans for new extraordinary expenses. Modern fiscality, whose pivot is formed by taxes on the most necessary means of subsistence (thereby increasing their price), thus contains within itself the germ of automatic progression. Over-taxation is not an incident, but rather a principle."

http://www.marxists.org/a...